
Glass. 



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Book 



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XdE 



PROCEEDINGS 



eF A 



CONVENTION OF DELEGATES, 



FROM THE STATES OF 



MASSACHl'SETTS, CONNECTICUT, AND RHODE-ISLAND ; THE COUNTIES OP CHE- 
SHIRE AND GRAFTON, IN THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE; AND 
THE COUNTV OF WINDHAM, IN THE STATE OF VERMONT; 



CONVENED AT HARTFORD, IN THE STATE OF CONNECTTCTTT, 
DECEMBER 15tll, 1814. 



iECOND EDITION, CORRECTED AND IMPROVED. 



14. 



BOSTON : 
PRINTED IND PUBLISHED BY WEI,I.S AND I.TLI-V. 

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heport, &c. 



The Delegates from (he LegislaUires of the States of Masaa* 
chusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, and from the 
Counties of Grafton and Cheshire in the State of New 
Hampshire and the county of Windham in the State o • 
Vermont, assembled in Convention, beg leave to report the 
follov/ins; result of their conference. 



•o 



The Convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the ardu- 
ous nature of the commission which they were appointed to exe- 
cute, of devising the means of defence against dangers, and of re- 
lief from oppressions proceeding from the act of their own Go- 
vernment, without violating constitutional principles, or disap- 
pointing the hopes of a sutTering and injured people. To pre- 
scribe patience and firmness to those who are already exhausted 
by distress, is sometimes to drive them to despair, and the pro- 
gress towards reform by the regular road, is irksome to those 
whose imaginations discern, and whose feelings prompt, to a 
shorter course. — But when abuses, reduced to system and accu- 
mulated through a course of years, have pervaded every depart- 
ment of Government, and spread corruption through every re- 
gion of the State ; when these are clothed with the forms of law, 
and enforced by an Executive whose will is their source, no 
summary means of relief can be applied without recourse to di- 
rect and open resistance. This experiment, even when justifia- 
ble, cannot fail to be painful to the good citizen ; and the suc- 
cess of the effort will be no security against the danger of the 
example. Precedents of resistance to the worst administration, 
are eagerly seized by those who are naturally hostile to the best. 
Necessity alone can sanction a resort to this measure ; and it 
should never be extended in duration or degree beyond the exi- 
gency, until the people, not merely in the fervour of sudden 
excitement, but after full deliberation, are determined to change 
the Constitution. 

It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails to 
no inconsiderable extent, tiiat Administration have given such 
constructions to that instrnmeHt, snd practised so oia^i}^ ajju^es 



under colour of its aulliority, that the time tor a change is a^ 
hand. Those who so believe, regard the evils which surround 
them as intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitution. 
They jield to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on 
anv occasion, can aggravate -the misery of their country. This 
opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But as the evi- 
dence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, and as measures 
adopted upon the assumption of its certainty might be irrevoca- 
ble, some general consideralions are submitted, in the hope of 
reconciling all to a course of moderation and firmness, which may 
Fa^e them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, proba- 
bly avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in 
the last resort. 

The Constitution of the United States, under the auspices of 
a w ise and virtuous Administration, proved itself competent to all 
the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in the views of 
its framers. No parallel can be found in history, of a transition 
so rapid as that of the United States from the lowest depression 
to the highest felicity — from the condition of weak and disjointed 
republrcks, to that of a great, united, and prosperous nation. 

Although this high state of publick happiness has undergone a 
miserable and atfiicting reverse, through the prevalence of a weak 
and profligate policy, yet the evils and afflictions which have 
thus been induced upon the country, are not peculiar to any 
form of Government. The lust and caprice of power, the cor- 
ruption of patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of 
the community by the stronger, heavy taxes, wasteful expendi- 
tures, and unjust and ruinous wars, are the natural offspring of 
bad Administrations, in all ages and comitries. It was indeed 
to be hoped, that the rulers of these States would not make such 
disastrous haste to involve their infancy in the embarrassments of 
old and rotten institutions. Yet ail this have they done ; and 
their conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But 
to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the Constitu- 
tion, woidd be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. 

Again, the experiment of the powers of the Constitution, to 
regain its vigour, and of the people to recover from their delusions, 
has been hitherto made under the greatest possible disadvantages 
arising from the state of the world. The fierce passions vv liich 
have convulsed the nations of Europe, have passed the Ocean, 
and finding their way to the bosoms of our citizens, have afforded 
to Administration the means of perverting publick opinion, in 
respect to our foreign relations, so as to acquire its aid in the 
indulgence of their animosities, and the increase of their adhe- 
rents. Further, a reformation of publick opinion, resulting from 
dear bought experience, in the Southern Atlantick States, at least, 



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is iiol io be despaired of. Tliey will have felt, that the Eastern 
States cannot be made exclusively the victims of a capricious 
and impassioned policy. — They will have seen that the j;reat and 
essential interests of the people, are common to the South and 
to the East. They will realize the fatal errours of a system, 
which seeks revenge for commercial injuries in the sacrifice of 
commerce, and aggravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable 
extent, the injuries it professes to redress. They may discard 
the influence of visionary theorists, and recognize the benefits of 
a practical policy. Indications of this desirable revolution of 
opinion, among our brethren in those States, are already mani- 
fested. — While a hope remains of its ultimate completion, its 
progress should not be retarded or stopped, by exciting fears 
which must check these favourable tendencies, and frustrate the 
efforts of the wisest and best men in those States, to accelerate 
this propitious change. 

Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason of 
the multiplied abuses of bad administrations, it should, if possible, 
be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate consent. — Some 
new form of confederacy should be substituted among those 
States, which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to each 
other. — Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are 
deep and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely 
from the blindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party 
spirit, or the confusion of the times ; but they may be traced to 
implacable combinations of individuals, or of States, to monopo- 
lize power and office, and to trample without remorse upon the 
rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union. When- 
ever it shall appear that these causes are radical and permanent, 
a separation by equitable arrangement, will be preferable to an 
alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemies, 
inflamed by mutual hatred and jealousies, and inviting by intestine 
divisions, contempt, and aggression from abroad. But a severance 
of the Union by one or more States, against the mIU of the rest, 
and especially in a time of war, can be justified only by absolute 
necessity. Tliese are among the principal objections against 
precipitate measures tending to disunite the States, and when 
examined in connexion witli the farewell address of the Father 
of his country, tJiey must, It Is believed, be deemed conclusive. 

Under these impressions, the Convention ha^e proceeded t© 
confer and deliberate upon the alarming stale of publick affairs, 
especially as affecting the interests of tlie people v.ho have ap- 
pointed them for tliis purpose, and they are naturally led to a 
consideration, In (lit; first place, of the ilangers and grle\anccs 
v.liich menace an immediate or speedy pressure, Vtith a view oi' 
suggesiius nieans of present relief: in the next place, of such 



:^->::>^>: 



ai are of a more remote and general description, in the hope of 
attaining future security. 

Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension, which 
might be comprised under the former of these propositions, the 
attention of the Convention has been occupied with the claims 
and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the 
militi.i, by the executive and legislative departments of the Na- 
tional Government. Also, upon the destitution of the means of 
defence in which the Eastern States are left; while at the same 
time they are doomed to heavy requisitions of men and money 
for national objects. 

The authority of the National Government over the militia is 
derived from those clauses in the Constitution which give power 
to Congress " to provide for calling forth the militia, to execute 
the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel inva- 
sions"- — Also, "to provide for organizing, arming and discipli- 
ning the militia, and for governing such parts of them as may 
be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to 
the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the 
authority of training the militia according to the discipline pre- 
scribed by Congress." Again, '^The President shall be Com- 
mander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and 
of the militia of the several Siditefi, when called into the actual 
service of the United Slates." In these specified cases only, 
has the National Government any power over the militia ; and it 
follows conclusively, that for all general and ordinary purposes, 
this power belongs to the States respectively, and to them alone. 
It is not only with regret, but with astonishment, the Convention 
perceive that under colour of an authority conferred with such 
plain and precise limitations, a power is arrogated by the execu- 
tive government, and in some instances sanctioned by the two 
Houses of Congress, of control over ihe militia, which if conce- 
ded, will render nugatory the rightful authority of the individual 
Slates o\er tliat class of men, and by placing at the disposal of 
the National Government the lives and services of the great body 
of the peoj.'le, enable it at pleasure to destroy their liberties, and 
erect a military despotism on the ruins. 

An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the 
basis of these extravagant pretensions, of the consequences to 
which they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their 
admission, would transcend the limits of this Report. A few 
general observations, with an exhibition of the character of these 
pretensions, and a recommendation of a strenuous opposition to 
them, must not however be omitted. 

It will not be contended, that by the terms used in the con- 
stituliojial compact, the power of the National Government to 



^^< 



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call o*it the militia is other than a power expressl}- limited (o 
three cases. One of these must exist as a condition precedent 
to the exercise of that power — Unless the laws shall be opposed, 
or an insurrection shall exist, or an invasion shall be made, Con- 
gress, and of consequence the President as their organ, has no 
more power over the militia than over the armies of a foreign 
nation. 

But if the declaration of the President should be admitted to 
be an unerring test of the existence of these cases, this important 
power would depend, not upon the truth of the fact, but upon ex- 
ecutive infallibility ; and tlie limifalion of the power would 
consequcnllj be nothing more than merely nominal, as it might 
always be eluded. It folloAvs therefore that the decision of the 
President in this particular cannot be conclusive. It is as much 
the duty of the Stale authorities to watch over the rights rescrv- 
fd, as of the United Slates to exercise the powers which are 
delegated. 

The arrangement of the United States into military districts, 
with a small portion of the regular force, under an officer of high 
rank of the standing army, with power to call for the militia, as 
circumstances in his judgment may require ; and to assume the 
conmiand of them, is not warranted by the Constitution or any 
law of the United Slates. It is not denied that Congress may 
delegate to the President of the United Stales the power to call 
forth the militia in the cases which are within their jurisdiction — 
But he has no authority to substitute military prefects through- 
out the Union, to use their own discretion in such instances. To 
station an officer of the army in a military district without troops 
corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking command 
of the militia that may be called into service, is a manifest evasion 
of that provision of the Constitution which expressly reserves to 
the States the appointment of the officers of the militia ; and the 
object of detaching such officer cannot be well conceived to be 
any other, than that of superseding the Governour or other officers 
of the militia in their right to command. 

The power of dividing the militia of the States into classes, and 
obliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able bodietl 
men, to serve for one or more years for the defence of the fron- 
tier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the miiilia 
for one year for such general object be admissible, no limitation 
can be assigned to it, but the discretion of those who make the 
law. Thus with a power in Congress to authorise such a draft 
or conscription, and in the Executive to decide conclusively 
upon the existence and continuance of the emergency, the whole 
miiilia may be converted into a standing army disposable at the 
will of the President of the United States. 



The power of compelling <he militia and oilier citizens of ihe 
I'nited States, bj a forcible draft or conscription to serve in the 
regular armies, as proposed in a late official letter of the Secretary 
of War, is not delegated to Congress by the Constitution, and 
the exercise of it would be not less dangerous to their liberties, 
than hostile to the sovereignty of the Stales. The effort to de- 
duce this power from the right of raising armies, is a flagrant 
attempt to pervert the sense of the clause in the Constitution 
which confers that right, and is incompatible with oiher pro- 
visions in that instrument. The armies of the United States 
have always been raised by contract, never by conscription, and 
nothing more can be wanting to a Government, possessing the 
power tJuis claimed, to enable it to usurp the entire control of 
the militia, in derogation of the authority of the State, and to 
convert it by impressment into a standing army. 

It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative of the 
determination of the Executive to establish an absolute control 
over all descriptions of citizens, that the right of impressing sea- 
men into the naval service is expressly asserted by the Secre- 
tary of the Navy in a late report. Thus a practice, which in a 
foreign government has been regarded with great abhorrence by 
the people, finds advocates among those who have been the loud- 
est to condemn it. 

The law authorizing tire enlistment, of minors and apprentices 
into the armies of the United States, without the consent of 
parents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the Con- 
stitution. By a construction of the power to raise armies, as 
applied by our present rulers,- not only persons capable of con- 
tracting are liable to be impressed into the array, but those who 
are under legal disabilities to make contracts, are to be invested 
with this capacity, in order to enable them to annul at pleasure 
contracts made in their behalf by legal guardians. Such an 
interference with the municipal laws and rights of the several 
States, could never have been contemplated by the framers of 
the Constitution. It impairs the salutary control and influence 
of the parent over his child — the master over his servant — the 
guardian over his ward — and thus destroys the most important 
relations in society, so that by the conscription of the father, and 
the seduction of the son, the power of the Executive over all the 
effective male population of the United States is made complete. 

Such are some of the odious features of the novel system pro- 
posed by the rulers of a free country, under the iimile'd powers 
derived from the Constitution. What portion of them will be 
embraced in acts finally to be passed, it is yet impossible to de- 
termine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to perceive, that 
these projects emanate from the highest authority ; nor should it 



^^ 



9 



be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of War, the clas- 
sification of the militia embraced the principle of direct taxation 
upon the white population only ; and that, in the House of Re- 
presentalives, a motion to apportion the militia among the white 
population exclusively, which would have been in its operation a 
direct tax, was strenuously urged and suppoited. 

In this whole series of devices and measures for raising men, 
this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, and 
a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the indi- 
vidual States a firm and decided opposition. An iron despotism 
can impose no harder servitude upon tlie citizen, than to force 
him from his home and his occupation, To wage offensive wars, 
undertaken to gratify the pride or passions of his master. The 
example of France has recently shewn that a cabal of individuals 
assuming to act in the name of the people, may transform the 
great body of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them over into 
the hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhor- 
rence by a people, can require the aid of such stratagems to 
recruit an army. Had the troops already raised, and in great 
numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been employed 
for the defence of the country, and had the millions which have 
been squandered with shameless profusion, been appiopriated to 
their payment, to the protection of the coast, and to the naval 
service, there would have been no occasion for unconstitutional 
expedients. Even at this late hour, let Government leave to 
New-England the remnant of her resources, and she is ready and 
able to defend her territory, and to resign the glories and advan- 
tages of the border war, to those who are determined to persist 
in its prosecution. 

That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are ab- 
aolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, however, 
consist with the respect and forbearance due from a confederate 
State towards the General Goveinment, to fly to open resistance 
upon every infraction of the Constitution. The mode and the 
energy of the opposition should always conform to the nature 
of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the 
injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and 
the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and 
palpable infractions of the Constitution, affecting the sovereignty 
of a State, and liberties of the people ; it is not only the right 
but the duty of such a State to interpose its authority for their 
1 protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. 
When emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of 
the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay inci- 
dent to their forms, States, which have no common umpire, must 
lie their own judges, an<l execute their own decisions. It wiH 



10 

thus be proper for the several States to await the ultimate dis- 
posal of the obnoxious measures, recommended by the Secrelarj 
of War, or pending before Congress, and so to use their power 
according to the character these measures shall finally assume, 
as effectually to piotect their own sovereignty, and the rights 
and liberties of their citizens. 

The next subject which has occupied the attention of the 
Convention, is the means of defence against the common enemy. 
This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any expectation 
can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provision for the 
defence of (he Eastern States will be made by the National 
Government ? Whether the several States can, from their own 
resources, provide for self-defence and fulfil the requisitions 
which are to be expected for the national Treasury ? and, gene- 
rally, what course of conduct ought to be adopted by those 
States, in relation to the great object of defence ? 

Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes of 
the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially announced, that 
to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, and to hold it as 
a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Administration. 
This enterprise, commenced at a period when Government pos- 
sessed the advantage of selecting the time and occasion for mak- 
ing a sudden descent upon an unprepared enemy, now languishes 
in the third year of the war. It has been prosecuted with vari- 
ous fortune, and occasional brilliancy of exploit, but without any 
solid acquisition. The British armies have been recruited by 
veteran regiments. Their navy commands Ontario. The Ame- 
rican ranks are thinned by the casualties of war. Recruits are 
discouraged by the unpopular character of the contest, and by 
the uncertainty of receiving their pay. 

In the prosecution of this favourite warfare, Adniinistration 
have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the country desti- 
tute of all efficient means of defence. The main body of the 
regular army has been marched to the frontier. — The navy has 
been stripped of a great part of its sailors for the service of the 
Lakes. Meanwhile the enemy scours the sea-coast, blockades 
our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual descents in 
various and distant places, holds some by force, and threatens 
all that are assailable with fire and sword. The sea-board of 
four of the New-England States, following its curvatures, pre- 
sents an extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally oc- 
cupied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, 
exposing a mass of people and property to the devastation of 
the enemy, which bears a great proportion to the residue of the 
mariti.ne frontier of the United Stales. This extensive shore 
has been exposed to frequent attacks, repeated contributions. 



^^ 



11 

and constant alarms. The regular forces detached by the na- 
tional Governiuent tor its defence, are mere pretexts for placing 
oflScers of high rank in command. They are besides confined 
to A few places, and are too insignificant in number to be includ- 
ed in any computation. 

These Slates have thus been left to adopt measures for their 
own defence. The militia have been constantly kept on the alert, 
and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the 
expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- 
buisement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. 
The President of Jhe United States has refused to consider the 
expense of the militia detached by state authority, for the indis- 
pensable defence of the State, as chargeable to the Union, on the 
ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them 
under the commanil of officers of the regular army. Detachments 
of militia placed at the disposal of the General Government, have 
been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper. 
The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened b}' the 
promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From authen- 
tic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose incli- 
nation might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the 
Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and 
its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of the finances, 
that those who feel for the honour and safety of the country, 
would be willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if those 
whose infatuation has produced this state of fiscal concerns, had 
not found themselves compelled to unveil it to public view. 

If the war l)e continued, there appears no room for reliance 
upon the national government for the supply of those means of 
defence, which must become indispensable to secure these 
States from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that the 
States can discharge this sacred duty from their own resources, 
and continue to sustain the burden of the national taxes. The 
Administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every 
effort of commercial enterprise, had fatally succeeded in their 
attempts at the epoch of the war. Commerce, the vital spring 
of New-England's prosperity, was annihilated. Embargoes, re- 
strictions, and the rapacity of revenue officers, had completed 
its destruction. The various objects for the employment of 
productive labour, in the branches of business dependent on 
commerce, have disappeared. The fisheries have shared its 
fate. Manufactures, which Government has professed an in- 
tention to favour and to cherish, as an indemnity for the failure 
of these branches of business, are doomed to struggle in their in- 
fancy with taxes and obstructions, which cannot fail most seri- 
ously to affect their growth. The specie is withdrawn from 



12 

circulation. The landed interest, the last to fee! these burdens, 
must prepare to become their principal support, as all other 
sources of revenue must be exhausted. Under these circum- 
stances, taxes, of a description and amount unprecedented in 
this country, are in a train of imposition, the burden of which 
must fall with the heaviest pressure upon the states east of the 
Potowmac. The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, 
cannot be estimated at less than five millions of dollars upon the 
New-England States, and the expenses of the last year for de= 
fence, in Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of 
dollars. 

From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- 
sistible inference, that these States have no capacity of defray- 
ing the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the 
same time, of discharging the demands of the national treasury. 

The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be adopted 
by the aggrieved States, is in a high degree momentous. When 
a great and brave people shall feel themselves deserted by their 
Government, and reduced to the necessit}' either of submission 
to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their own use those 
means of defence which are indispensable to self-preservation, 
they cannot consent to wait passive spectators of approaching 
ruin, which ir is in their power to avert, and to resign the last 
remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissipated in support 
of measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. 

This Convention will not trust themselves to express their 
conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state of things in- 
evitably tends. Conscious of their high responsibility to God 
and their country, solicitous for the continuance of the Union, 
as well as the sovereignty of the States, unwilling to furnish ob- 
stacles to peace — resolute never to submit to a foreign enemy, and 
confiding in the Divine care and protection, they will, until the 
last hope shall be extinguished, endeavour to avert such conse- 
quences. 

With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at 
once be consistent with the honour and interest of the National 
Government, and the security of these States. This it will not 
be difficult to conclude, if that government should be so dis- 
posed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed to as- 
sume their own defence, by the militia or other troops. A rea- 
sonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each State might be 
paid into its treasury, and credited to the United States, but to 
be appropriated to the defence of such State, to be accounted 
for with the United States. No doubt is entertained, that by 
such an arrangement, this portion of the country could be de- 
fended with greater effect, and in a mode more consistent with 



^i>/ 



13 



economy, and the public convenience, than any which has been 
practised. 

Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress 
by the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and shoi'id 
peace upon just terms appear to be unattainable, the people would 
stand together for the connnon defence, until a change of Ad- 
Diinistralion, or of disposition in the enemy, should facilitate (he 
occurrence of that auspicious event. It would be inexpedient 
for this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue ta 
such an application, by recommending, upon supposition of a con- 
trary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their 
province. In a stale of things so solemn and trying as may 
then arise, the Legislatures of the States, or Conventions of the 
whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the express 
purpose in another Convention, must act as such urgent circum- 
stances may then require. 

But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have been 
performed, without exhibiting some general view of such mea- 
sures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a relapse 
into difficulties and dangers, should they, by the blessing of 
Providence, escape from their present condition without abso- 
lute ruin. To this end, a concise retrospect of the state of this 
nation under the advantages of a wise Administration, contrasted 
with the miserable abyss into which it is plunged by the profliga- 
cy and folly of political theorists, will lead to some practical con- 
clusions. On this subject, it will be recollected, that the imme- 
diate influence of the Federal Constitution upon its first adop- 
tion, and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and 
happiness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in the 
transcendency of its perfection over all other human institutions. 
In the catalogue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the 
most favoured nations, none could be enumerated from which our 
country was excluded — A free Constitution, administered by 
great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes of 
liberty and independence — The progress of agriculture was 
stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest — and com- 
merce, after traversing every sea, returned with the riches of 
every clime. — A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, collected 
without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the 
national debt ; and the chief concern of the publick creditor arose 
from its too rapid diminution. — The wars and commotions of the 
European nations, and the interruptions of their commercial 
intercourse afforded to those, who had not promoted, but who 
would have rejoiced to alleviate their calamities, a fair and golden 
opportunity, by enriching themselves to lay a broad foundation 
for national wealth. — Although occasional vexations to com- 



14 



merce arose from the furious collisions of the powers at war, 
jet the great and good men of that time conformed to the force 
of circumstances which thej could not control, and preserved 
their country in security from the tempests, which overwhelmed 
the old world, and threw the wreck of their fortunes on these 
shores. — Respect abroad, prosperit}^ at home, wise laws made 
by honoured legislators, and prompt obedience yielded by a con- 
tented people, had silenced the enemies of republican institu- 
tions. — The arts flourished — the sciences were cultivated — the 
comforts and conveniences of life were universally diffused — S-.id 
nothing remained for succeeding administralions, but to reap the 
advantages, and cherish the resources, flowing from the policy 
of their predecessors. 

But no sooner was a new administration eslablished in the 
hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy, than a 
fixed determination Avas perceived and avowed of changing a sys- 
tem which had already produced these substantial fruits. The 
consequences of this change, for a few years after its commence- 
ment, were not sufficient to counteract the prodigious impulse 
towards prosperity, which had been given to the nation. But a 
steady perseverance in the new plans of adhiinistration at length 
developed their weakness and deformity, but not until a majority 
of the people had been deceived by flattery, and inflamed by 
passion, into blindness to their defects. Under the withering 
influence of this new system, the declension of the nation has 
been uniform and rapid"^. The richest advantages for securing 
the great objects of the Constitution have been wantonly rejected. 
While Europe reposes from the convulsions that had shaken 
down her ancient institutions, she beholds with amazement this 
remote country, once so happy and so envied, involved in a ru- 
inous war, and excluded from intercourse with the rest of the 

world. 

To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal re- 
verse has been effected, would require a volijminous discussion. 
Nothing more can be attempted in this Report, than a general 
allusion^'to the principal outlines of the policy which has pro- 
duced this vicissitude. Among these may be enumerated- 

First. — A deliberate and extensive system for effecting a 
combination among certain States, by exciting local jealousies 
and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in one section of 
the Union, the control of publick affairs, in perpetual succession. 
To which primary object most other characteristicks of the sys- 
tem may be reconciled. 

Secondly.— The political intolerance displayed and avowed, 
in excluding from office men of unexceptionable merit, for want 
of adherence to the executive creed. 



^^(^^ 



15 



Thirdly. — The infraction of the judiciary authority and 
rights, Ijy depriving judges of their offices in violation of the 
Constitution. 

Fourthly. — The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to pre- 
pare the Country for tiiose changes to which nations are always 
exposed, with a view to the acquisition of popular favour. 

Fifthli/. — The influence of patronage in the distribution of 
offices, vvhich in these states has been almost invariably made 
among men the least entitled to such distinction, and who have 
sold "themselves as ready instruments for distracting publick 
opinion, and encouraging administration to hold in contempt the 
wishes and remonstrances of a people thus apparently divided. 

Si.rthli/. — The admission of new States into the Union, form- 
ed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the balance 
of power which existed among tJie original States, and deteply 
affected their interest. 

Seventhh/. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners 
to places of trust, honour or profit, operating as an inducement 
to the malcontent subjects of the old world to come to these 
States, in quest of executive patronage, and to repay it by an 
abject devotion to executive measures. ^ 

Eighthly. — Hostility to Great-Britain, and partiality to the 
late government of France, adopted as coincident with popular 
prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party power. 
Connected with these must be ranked erroneous and distorted 
estimates of the power and resources of those nations, of the pro- 
bable results of their controversies, and of our political relations 
to them respectively. 

Lastly and principally. — A visionary and superficial theory 
in regard to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred but a feign- 
ed regard to its interests, and a ruinous perseverance in efforts 
to render it an instrument of coercion and war. 

But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any administra- 
tion could, in so short a period, have so nearly . 'isummated 
the work of national ruin, unless favoured by defects in the 
Constitution. 

To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument 
is susceptible, and to propose such amendments as might render 
it in all respects perfect, would be a task, which this Convention 
has not thought proper to assume. — They have confined their 
attention to such as experience has demonstrated to be essential, 
and even among these, some are considered entitled to a more 
serious attention than others. They are suggested without any 
intentional disrespect to other States, and are meant to be such 
as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their o))ject is to 
strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the Union of the 
States, by removing the grounds of existing jealousies, and pro- 



viding for a fair and equal representation, and a limitation of pow- 
ers which have been misused. 

The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment 
of Representatives among the slave-holding States. This can- 
not be claimed as a right. Those States are entitled to the slave 
representation, by a constitutional compact. It is therefore 
merely a subject of agreement, which should be conducted upon 
principles of mutual interest and accommodation, and upon which 
no sensibility on either side should be permitted to exist. It 
has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had this effect 
been foreseen, the privilege would probably not have been de- 
manded ; certainly not conceded. Its tendency in future will 
be adverse to that harmony and mutual confidence, which are 
more conducive to the happiness and prosperity of every con- 
federated State, than a mere preponderance of power, the prolifick 
source of jealousies and controversy, can be to any one of them. 
The time may therefore arrive, when a sense of magnanimity 
and justice will reconcile those States to acquiesce in a revision 
of this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result to them 
in the apportionment of taxes. 

The next amendment relates to the admission of new States 
into the union. 

This amendment is deemed to be liighly important, and in 
fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to recog- 
nise the right of Congress to admit new States without the origi- 
nal limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertained of 
disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted into the 
union. The object is merely to restrain the constitutional power 
of Congress in admitting new States. At the adoption of the 
Constitution, a certain balance of power among the original par- 
ties was considered to exist, and there was at that time, and yet 
is among those parties, a strong affinity between their great and 
general interests. — By the admission of these States, that balance 
has been materially affected, and unless the practice be modi- 
fied, must ultimately be destroyed. The Southern States will 
first avail themselves of their new confederates to govern the 
East, and finally the Western States multiplied in number, and 
augmented in population, will control the interests of the w hole* 
Thus for the sake of present power, the Southern States will be 
common sufferers with the East, in the loss of permanent advan- 
tages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating 
prematurely an overwhelming Western influence, which may 
hereafter discern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to 
them by wars and commercial restrictions. 

The next amendments proposed by fjie convention, relate to 
the powers of Congress, in relation to Embargo and the interdic- 
tion of commerce. 



^4^ 



\r 



Whalever theories upon the subject of commerce have hith- 
erto divideil the opinions of statesmen, experience has at last 
shewn, that it is a vital interest in tiie United States, and that its 
Success is essential to the encouragement of agriculture and man- 
ufactures, and to the wealth, finances, defence, and liberty of the 
nation. Its welfare can never interfere with the other great in- 
terests of the State, but must promote and uphold them. Still, 
those wlio are immediately concerned in the prosecution of com- 
merce, will of necessity be always a minority of the nation. 
They are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its 
course by the advantages of experience, and the sense of inte- 
rest. But they are entirely unable to protect themselves against 
the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and the 
mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not actively 
concerned in its pursuits. Of consequence, this interest is al- 
ways exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroy- 
ed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the mer- 
chants of this nation been permitted, by their own government, 
to pursue an innocent and lawful commerce, how different would 
have been the state of the treasury and of publick credit ! How 
shortsighted and miserable is the policy which has annihilated 
this order of men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, 
tlieir capital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be 
alienated from the Government which was formed to protect 
them ! What security for an ample and unfailing revenue can 
ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized in the 
good faith, punctuality, and sense of honour, which attached the 
mercantile class to the interests of the Government ? Without 
commerce, where can be found the aliment for a navy ; and 
without a navy, what is to constitute the defence, and ornament, 
and glory of this nation ? No union can be durably cemented, ia 
which every great interest does not find itself reasonably secured 
against the encroachment and combinations of other interests. 
When, therefore, the past system of embargoes and commercial 
restrictions shall have been reviewed — when the fluctuation and 
inconsistency of publick measures, betraying a want of information 
as well as feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, 
the reasonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare 
majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. 

The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of making 
offensive war. In the consideration of this amendment, it is not 
necessary to inquire into the justice of the present war. But one 
sentiment now exists in relation to its expediency, and regret 
for its declaration is nearly universal. No intlemnity can ever 
be attained for this terrible calamity, and its only palliation must 
be found in ohslacles to its future reciin-ence. Karelv can the 



18 

state of this country call for or justify offensive war. The ge- 
nius of our institutions is unfavourable to its successful prosecu-, 
tion ; the felicity of our situation exempts us from its necessity. 
— In this case, as in the former, those more immediately expo- 
sed to its fatal eflects are a minority of the nation. The com- 
mercial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, contain the pop- 
ulation, whose vital interests are most vulnerable by a foreign 
enemy. Agriculture, indeed, must feel at last, but this appeal 
to its sensibility comes too late. Again, the immense population 
which has swarmed info the West, remote from immediate dan- 
ger, and which is constantly augmenting, will not be averse from 
the occasional disturbances of the Atlantick States. Thus inte- 
rest may not unfrequently combine with passion and intrigue, to 
plunge the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a 
military, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These 
considerations, which it would be easy to augment, call loudly for 
the limitation proposed in the amendment. 

Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but still in a 
high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreigners, 
hereafter arriving in the United States, from the capacity of hold- 
ing offices of trust, honour or profit. 

That the stock of population already in these States, is amply 
sufficient to render this nation in due time sufficiently great and 
powerful, is not a controvertible question — Nor will it be seri- 
ously pretended, that the national deficiency in wisdom, arts, 
science, arms or virtue, needs to be replenished from foreign 
countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy should offer 
the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settlement, to those 
who are disposed to visit the country. — But why admit to a par- 
ticipation in the government aliens who were no parties to the 
compact — who are ignorant of the nature of our institutions, and 
have no stake in the welfare of the country, but what is recent 
and transitory ? It is surely a privilege sufficient, to admit them 
after due probation to become citizens, for all but political pur- 
poses. — To extend it beyond these limits, is to encourage for- 
eigners to come to these slates as candidates for preferment. The 
Convention forbear to express their opinion upon the inauspi- 
cious effects which have already resulted to the honour and 
peace of this nation, from this misplaced and indiscriminate lib- 
erality. 

The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of 
President to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility from 
tiie same State two terms in succession. 

Upon this topick it is superfluous to dilate. The love of 
power is a principle in the human heart, which too often impels 
to the use oi all practicable means to prolong its duration. The 



^^./r 



*^j 



19 



ofHce of President has charms and allractions which operate as 
powerful incentives to this passion- The tirst and most natural 
exertion of a vast patronage is directed towards the security of 
a new election. The interest of the country, the welfare of the 
people, even honest fame and respect for the opinion of poster- 
ity, are secondary considerations. All the engines of intrigue, 
all the means of corruption, are likely to be employed for this 
object. A President, whose political career is hmited to a singie 
election, may find no other interest than will be promoted by 
making it glorious to himself, and beneficial to his country. But 
the hope of re-election is prolifick of temptations, under which 
these magnanimous motives are deprived of their principal force. 
The repeated election of the President of the United States from 
any one State, affords inducements and means for intrigue, which 
tend to create an undue local influence, and to establish the dom- 
ination of particular States. The justice, therefore, of secuiing 
to every State a fair and equal chance for the election of this 
officer from its own citizens, is apparent, and this object will be 
essentially promoted by preventing an election from the same 
State twice in succession. 

Such is the general view which this Convention has thought 
proper to submit, of the situation of these States, of their dan- 
gers and their duties. Most of the subjects which it embraces 
have separately received an ample and luminous investigation, 
by the great and able assertors of the rights of their Country, in 
the National Legislature ; and nothing more could be attempted 
on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, and of re- 
commendations, suited to the present state of publick affairs. 
The peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even this 
undertaking, will be appreciated by all who think seriously upon 
the crisis. Negociations for Peace are at this hour supposed to 
be pending, the issue of which must be deeply interesting to all. 
No measures should be adopted, which might unfavourably affect 
that issue ; none which should embarrass the Administration, if 
their professed desire for peace is sincere ; and none, which on 
supposition of their insincerity, should afford them pretexts for 
prolonging the war, or relieving themselves from the responsi- 
bility of a dishonourable peace. It is also devoutly to be wished, 
that an occasion may be afforded to all friends of the country, of 
all parties, and in all places, to pause and consider the awful state, to 
which pernicious counsels, and blind passions, have brought this 
people. The number of those who perceive, and who are ready to 
retrace errours, must, it is believed, be y^i sufficient to redeem the 
nation. It is necessary to rally and unite them by the assurance, 
that no hostility to the Constitution is meditated, and to obtain 
<heir aid, in placing it under guardians, who alone can save if 



20 

from desfruclion. Should this fortunate change be effected, the 
hope of happiness and honour may once more dispel the sur- 
rounding gloom. Our nation may yet be great, our union dura- 
ble. But should this prospect be utterly hopeless, the time will 
not have been lost, which shall have ripened a general sentiment 
of the necessity of more mighty efforts to rescue from ruin, at 
least some portion of our beloved Country. 

THEREFORE RESOLVED— 

That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legisla- 
tures of the several States represented in this Convention, to 
adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to pro- 
tect the citizens of said States from the operation and effects of 
all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of 
the United States, which shall contain provisions, subjecting 
the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or 
impressments, not authorized by the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the said 
Legislatures, to authorize an immediate and earnest application 
to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting 
their consent to some arrangement, whereby the said States 
may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon 
themselves the defence of their territory against the enemy ; and 
a reasonable portion of the taxes, collected within said States, 
may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, arid appropri- 
ated to the payment of the balance due said States, and to the 
future defence of the same. The amount so paid into the said 
treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made as afore- 
said to be char2;ed to the United States. 



's^ 



Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the 
Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has 
not already been done) authorizing tlie Governours or Com- 
manders in Cliief of their militia to make detachments from the 
same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient 
and conformable to their Constitutions, and to cause the same to 
be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in readiness 
for service ; and upon the request of the Governour of either of 
the other States, to employ the whole of such detachment or 
corps, as well as the regular forces of the State, or such part 
thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently with 
the safety of the State, in assisting the State, making such re- 
quest to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or at- 
tempted by the publick enemy. 



21 

Rfsolvfd, That ihe following amendmenls of the Conslllulloii 
of the United States, be recommended to the Stales represent' 
ed as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the 
State Legislatures, and, in such cases as may be deemed expe- 
dient, by a Convention chosen by the people of eacji State. 

And it is further recommended, that the said States shall 
persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments, until the 
same shall be effected. 

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportion 
ed among the several Stales which may be included within this 
union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, in- 
cluding those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, and all other persons. 

Second. No new Slate shall be admitted into the union by 
Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Constitution, 
without the concurrence of two thirds of both Houses. 

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on 
the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the 
ports or harbours thereof, for more than sixty days. 

Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the concur- 
rence of two thirds ofbolh Houses, to interdict the commercial 
intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or 
the dependencies thereof. 

Fifth. Congress shall not make or declare war, or authorize 
acts of hostility against any foreign/ nation, without the concur- 
rence of two thirds of both Houses, except such acts of hostility 
be in defence of the territories of the United States when actu- 
ally invaded. 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall 
be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, nor capable of holding any civil office 
under the authority of the United States. 

Seventh. The same person shall not be jelected President of 
the United States a second time ; nor shall the President be 
elected from the same State two terms in succession. 

Resolved, That if the application of these States to the go- 
vernment of the United States, recommended in a foregoing Re- 
solution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be con- 
cluded, and the defence of these States should be neglected, as 
it has been since the commencement of the war, it will in tlie 
opinion of this Convention be expedient for the Legislatures of 
the several States to appoint Delegates to another Convention, 
lo meet at Boston, in the Stale of Massachusetts, on the third 
Thursday of June next, with such powers and instructions as 
the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. 



23 

Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chauncey 
Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be 
authorized to call another meeting of this Convention, to be hol- 
den in Boston, at any time before new Delegates shall be chosen, 
as recommended in the above Resolution, if in their judgment 
the situation of the Country shall urgently require it. 

Hartford, January 4thj 1814. 



GEORGE CABOT, 
IVATHAN DANE, 
WILLIAftl PRESCOTT, 
HARRISON G. OTIS. 
TIMOTHY BIGELOW, 
JOSHUA THOMAS, 
SAxMUEL S. WILDE, 
JOSEPH LYMAN, 
STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jr. 
DANIEL WALDO, 
HODIJAH BAYLIES, 
GEORGE BLISS, 
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, 



JAMES HILLHOUSE, 
JOHN TREADWELL, 
ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, 
NATHANIEL SMITH, 
CALVIN GODDARD, 
ROGER M. SHERMAN, 
DANIEL LTMAN, 
SAMUEL WARD, 
EDWARD MANTON, 
BENJAMIN HAZARD, 
BENJAMIN WEST, 
MILLS OLCOTT, 
W ILL! AM HALl, Je. 



^7/ 



STATEMENTS; 



P&EPARIU) and PCBLISHED by order of the convention of DELE0AT.E5, 
HELD AT HARTFORD DECEMBER 15, 1814, 

AND PRINTED BY THEIR ORBER. 



SCHEDULE (A,) 

Shewing tlie ascertained expenses of the war, prior lo July 1, 1814. 

Military Department, or land forces, from January 1, to Sept. 30, 

1812, including about six months of peace, and three months of 

^ar, in that year, $7,464,814 80 

Prom Sept. 30, 1812, to Sept. 30, 1813, - 18,484,750 49 

From Sept. 30, 1813, to Dec. 31, 1813, - 5,887,747 00 

From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, - - - 11,210,238 00 



Ascertained expenses of the Land forces from ) ».r, „..- ...^ r^r. 
T 1 1010 * Til 101 4 > $43,047,550 29 

Jan. 1, 1812, to July 1, 1S14, ^^ > ' 

Navy Department, from Jan. 1, to Sept. 30, 1812, 

about six months of peace, and three months of 

•war, the sum of - - - $2,638,012 95 

^^'so" fsTs, '"' ""' '° ^""' \ «>«»•■'" 2» 
From Sept. 30, to Dec. 31, 1813, 1,248,145 10 
From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, 4,012,899 90 



14,320,365 15 

Ascertained war expenses to July 1, 1814, $57,367,915 44 

to which must be added, lartre sums not ascertained, 
and, also disbursements made by individual States, 
these must be more than .... 3,000,000 00 



$60,367,915 44 



Note. — The Militarj- and Naval expenses of the United States from 
January 1, 1812, to June 18, 1812, when war was declared, are in- 
eluded in the above Account, and were, |)artly on account of the peace 
establishment, and, in part, preparations for war- So that this enor- 
mous expenditure was incurred in the IMilitary and Naval depart- 
ments alone, iu two years of small warfare, and in six months fhat 
preceded it. 



24 



SCHEDULE (B,) 

Shewing the receipts at the Treasury of the United States from 
January 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, including about 6 months of peace, 
and about two years of war, to wit — 

From Jan. 1, to Oct. 1, 1812, from the proceeds of 
ihe customs, the sales of land, &c. being three fourths 
of the revenue year, - ... - $8,201,210 18 

The balance in the Treasury charged this account, 3,947,818 36 

On the 11 million loan under the act of March 
14, 1812, 5,847,212 50 



$17,996,241 04 
Receipts from Oct. 1, 1812, to Oct. 1, 1813, to wit— 
From the proceeds of the customs, $12,596,491 55 
Sales of land, - - - 830,671 53 

Other items of revenue, - 140,879 35 

13,568,042 43 

On account of the 11 million loan, $4,337,487 50 
On the 16 million loan, act Feb. 

8, 1813, 14,488,125 00 

Treasury Notes issued on the act of 
June 30, 1812, - - - 4,898,300 00 

Do. do. act Feb. 

25, 1813, 253,000 00 

23,976,912 50 

Receipts from Oct. 1, 1813, to Jan. 
1, 1814, to wit— 

From the customs and sales of 
fands. Sec. . . . . $3,078,565 00 

On the 16 million loan, - - 1,511,875 00 

On the seven and half million loan, 3,907,335 00 
Treasury notes, - - - 3,778,700 00 

12,876,475 00 

Receipts from Jan. 1, to July 1, 
1814, to wit— 

From the proceeds of the customs, 4,182,088 25 
Sales of publick lands, - - 540,065 68 

Internal duties and direct tax, 2,189,272 40 

Postage and incidental receipts, 166,744 00 



On the 7 1-2 million loan, 
act Aug. 2, 1813, - $3,592,665 

On 10 million loan (part 
of the 25 millions) - 6,087,011 



$7,078,170 33 



Carried forward, $0,079,676 $7,078,170 33 $68,417,670 97 



^/^. 



25 



Broug;l)t ui>. 

Treasury notes 
on act Feb. 25, 
1813, - $1,070,000 

Do. on act 
March 24, 1814, 1,392,100 



9,679,676 $7,078,170 33 $08,417,670 97 



2,462,100-12,141,776 00-19,219,946 33 



Deduct cash in the treasury, July 1, 1814, 



87,037,017 30 
4,722,659 32 

$82,914,957 98 



Deduct payments m:ide at the trea- 
sury in the same period from Jan. 1, 
1812, to July 1, 1814, to wit— 

The civil list, Indian department, &c. $4,697,872 32 

Interest and principal of the publick 
debt, 21,101,417 72-25,799,290,04 

Left for war purposes in this period, - - $57,115,007,94 

Note. — Thus while the war cost above 60 millions of dollars, and 

the land forces 40 millions of the sum, there was but a small British 

army employed against the United States, and in this period, disgrace 

generally attended the American arms by land. 

SCHEDULE (C) 
Shewing the great increase of the revenues of the United States, 
from the adoption of the Constitution to the adoption of the restric- 
tive system ; and while commerce continued free, and the great 
diminution of these revenues si. ice that system was resorted to — 
they were as follow, as by Treasury statements. 



Prior to 


1792, 


$4,418,913 


1803, 


11,064,067 


la 


1792, 


3,661,932 


1804, 


11,828,307 




1793, 


4,714,423 


1805, 


13,500,663 




1794, 


5,128,432 


1806, 


15,559.931 




1795, 


5,954,534 


1807, 


16,398,019 




1796, 


7,137,529 


1808, 


17,060,601 




1797, 


8,403,560 


1809, 


7,773,473 




1798, 


7,820,575 


1810, 


9,384.214 




1799, 


7,475,773 


1811, 


14,423,529 




1800, 


10,777,709 


9 months of 1812, 


6,927,706 




1801 


12,840,130 
13,008,223 








\\J\J t ^ 

1802, 




$215,988,703 



Note — As bonds were given for the duties, and they usually become 
payable the next year — the duties payable in any j'ear, were, gene- 
rally, collected on the importations of the preceding year, as the 
$17,000,061 received in 1808 were the duties on the great importa- 
tions of 1807, a few small sums excepted. 

Note, also — -All these revenues arose from commerce, except 
$16,262,651. 

It will be observed that all the sources of revenue exclusive of im- 
post and tonna^re duties, did not, on an average, amount to quite one 
million of dollars a year; so that the impost and tonnage duties, the 

4 



26 

four years preceding the Ion? embargo, amounted to about fifty-eight 
millions of dollars, or to $14,500,000 a year. And if there had ieen no 
embargoes or restrictions on commerce these wouid have increased, at 
least not decreased till the war was commenced. That comjiienced 
four years and a half after the embargo was laid. It will be seen that 
all the revenues amounted, in four years, before the embargo, to 
$02,579,274, and deducting for other sources of revenue, one million a 
year, there will remain $58,579,274 received from imposts and 
tonnage duties : whereas in the three years and nine months after the 
embargo was laid, all the revenues, as above, amounted only to 
$38,508,922, or at the rate of $40,817,990 in four years ; but in these 
four years were included, not only the ordinary million a year, but the 
two million direct tax of 1798, and the new internal duties of those 
four years, whence was collected at least two millions and a half; 
hence deduct $6,500,000 from $40,817,990 leaves, received from im- 
post and tonnage duties $34,317,990,— $24,261,284 less than was 
received in the four jears preceding the emliargo; that is, a!)Ove six 
millions a year, or above twenty-seven millions for the four years and a 
half, the restrictive system existed before the war; hence this sum was 
clearly lost by this system — See Schedule F. 

Note, also — The siid $16,262,651 was received thus, — from in- 
ternal revenue, $6,460,003; direct tax, $1,757,240; sales of land, 
$6,161,283 02; postage of letters, &:c. $667,343; miscellaneous, 
$1,216,775. 

Therefore, it is clear, that if there had been no restrictive system or 
war, the old debt of the United States, would have been, before this 
time, paid, or nearly paid. 



SCHEDULE (D,) 

s 

Shewing the state of the army of the United States previous to 
July 1, 1814. It was thus — effectives 27,010; aggregate 31,539; sta- 
tioned as follows : 

In the first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Portland and 
Eastport, aggregate number 655 

2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 

3 do. at New-York, 2,116 

4 do. at Fort Mifflin, &c. 308 

5 do. at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 

6 do. North and South Carolina and Georgia, 2,24^1 

7 do. at New-Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 

Stationed on the sea board, 10,659 

8 Military District at Detroit, Sandwich, &c. 2,472 

9 do. division of the right, 11,795 

at Buffaloe, Sacket's harbour, &c. 6,613 

. 18,408 

on the Canada line, 20,880 

total— 31,539 



t^7^ 



27 



Recruits enlisted from January 27, 1814, to Soptemhrr 30, 181-1, as 
b}' the return of tlie Inspector Ueneralwere 13,uU8; 
to wit— in February 1814, 980 

March ' „ 2,357 

April „ 2,301 

May „ 2,138 

June ,, 1,445 

July „ 1,486 

August „ 1,687 

Sept. „ 1,304 

13,898 

N'ote — An armj' of 31,539, early in the year 1814, was, no doubt, a 
much larger arm\^ Hum the United States kept up the two tirst years 
of the war; and if properly employed, 31,000 regular troops were cer- 
talnl3^ a<lequate to oppose any force Great Britain, in those years, 
employed against the United States — 31,000 men, according to the 
estimak-s of the War and Treasury Departments, should not have cost 
more than 12 millions a year, or 24 millions in the two years; whereas 
the land forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful manner 
in which the war was conducted. 

Note, also — When it is considered the United States had on the 1st 
of Jul3, 1814, a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 8 months, 
from February 1, to October 1, 1814, 13,898 men, for what possible 
pietence can the national government have recourse to conscri|)tion, 
and measures destructive of the lilierties of the (>eoi>le, to fdl the ranks 
of the army ? The course of enlistments amply proves, that if the army- 
be well paid and supported, and according to contracts, there can be 
no occasion to resort to such violent measures. 

Note, also — Of the 10,659 regular troops on the sea board, only 
1,369 were stationed in Is^ew-England. 



SCHEDULE (E.) 

Though the operations of the war in 1 781 and 1 782 were great, espe- 
cially in the Southern States, yet it cost America far less than fifteen 
millions a year, as will ai)pear by the publick documents. In 1782 Con- 
gress made an estimate for an army of 25,000 men. This estimate* 
which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions of dollars. 
The individual States' expenses will be found not to have exceeded four 
millions a year, and Navy expense;* were triflinsr. In 1781 theexi)euses 
were about three millions more than in 1782. — Prices were about tbe 
same then as now. 

The following is an abstract of the expenditures of the United States 
from the adoption of tbe Constitution, to Oct. 1,1812, taken from Trea- 
sury Report* : 







28 


■» 


Prior to 


1792, 


$ 1,718,129 


1803, 


4,062,824 


In 


1792, 


1,766,677 


1804, 


4,052,858 




1793, 


1,707,848 


1805, 


6,357,234 




1794, 


3,300,348 


1806, 


6,080,209 




1795, 


4,330,596 


1807, 


4,984,572 




1796, 


2,531.930 


1808, 


6,504,338 




1797, 


2,833,590 


1809, 


7,414,672 




1798, 


4,623,223 


1810, 


5,311,082 




1799, 


6,480,166 


1811, 


5,592,604 




1800, 


7,411,369 


9 months ofl 81 2, 


11,760,292 




1801 


4,981,669 
3,737,079 








1802, 




$ 107,763,301 



Note. ...These expenditures do not include the interest and principal 
of the publick debt. 

i\ever ofter the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures of the 
United States amount to seven millions and a half in any year. 

In 1781 Cornwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 26,000 
British troo! s were sent into the four Southern States in less than two 
yenrs in 1780 and 1781. The United States were obliged to keep up 
larse forces in the Middle and Northern States ; and the militia drafts 
were often made in those two years. — During the long period from 
March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of the 
inited States were but $44,066,745 65 including Indian wars, war with 
France, and with the Barbary powers, the Pennsylvania insurrection, 
and several millions expended in the present war before October, 1812. 
Much less than two millions of dollars a year. And the Navy expen- 
ditures during the same long period were but $29,889,660 78. About 
one million and a quarter a year. 

Further, An examination of the publick documents will shew, that the 
eight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 205,000,000 
of specie dollars. More than half that sum was expended in the three 
first years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and 
British armies most numerous ; a period in w Inch we w ithstood the 
forces of the enemy alone, in a manner so honourable to our arms. 

SCHEDULE (F.) 
This Schedule brings into one view the great loss of revenue occa- 
sioned by the Restrictive System, and the enormous waste of publick 
monies in the two first years of this war; the particulars whereof are 
state(l ill the Dreceding Schedules. 

1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason of 
restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half before 

the war was declared or commenced, as in scheduleC, $27,000,000 

2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to the amount 
of $60,367,915, at least, Avere incurred in this war before 
July 1, 1814; whereas, on any scale of expenses of any 
wars, ever carried on in this country heretofore, the wav 
expenses from January 1812, to July 1, 1814, ought not to 
have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could equal that 
sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and improvident 



^7/' 



29 



Amount l)ron«;ht forward. 



27,000,000 



expendituro of |)iil)lick monies, in the war and navy depart- 
ments, in this short period, of more than 33 millions ol" dol- 



lars, 



33,000,000 



Revenue and public monies lost by foolish restrictions,- 



and in a proflia;ate management of the war, - - $00,000,000 
Schedule E, also, shews how moderate our military expenses were 
prior to the present war. 

iVb/c....Had this large sum been saved, as it might have been, with 
perfect ease by. a wise and economical administration, the credit of the 
United States, at this moment, would have been unimpaired, and the 
very heavy direct and internal taxes now laid on the peoi)le to supply 
the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might have been avoiiled. 

In fact, examine the expenditures of all former wars in this country, 
the force brought against it in the two first years of this war, and every 
cause of necessary expenditure, and it will appear, that not so muchaa 
27 millions ought to have been expended in the military and naval de- 
partments in the period in question. 



SCHEDULE (G.) 

Shewing the amounts of the several Internal Duties, distinctly, that 
have accrued ibr the two first quarters of the year 1814. Ascer- 
tained to have i)een received in each State and Territory of the 
United States, viz. 



IS allies ol 


Licenses lor 




Licenses 


Duties on 






States and 


Stills and 


Carriages. 


for 


Sales at 


Refined 


Stamps. 


Territories. 


Boilers. 




Retailers. 


Auction. 


Sugar. 




New-Hamp. 


4817 9, 


. 155 08 


15154 


351 29 




544 05 


Massachusetts, 


61217 8fc 


33160 78 


79220 


12285 05 


120 09 


14281 18 


Vermont, 


19710 52 


2532 18 


12271 


7 96 




13 35 


Riiode- Island, 


H5265 %\ 


2842 88 


15702 


6039 23 




5329 80 


Connecticut, 


42878 3i; 


13092 61 


28556 


79 48 1-2 




7388 37 


New-York, 


154484 67 


21687 23 


156492 


8872 69 1-2 




51935 06 


New-Jersey, 


18429 5r 


16253 92 


27163 


2823 80 




3350 49 


Pennsylvania, 


271780 


25707 08 1-2 


118852 


10871 61 




45590 45 


Delaware, 


1447 50 


5118 18 


7477 


116 25 




2701 50 


Maryland, 


367:56 37 


169(i5 97 1-2 


42300 


5344 11 1-4 




20.300 ;;2 3-« 


Virginia, 


148442 91 


28836 91 


46691 


2018 20 




2137o 03 1-2 


North-Caro. 


44780 20 


13594 29S-4 


20644 


444 14 1-4 




5212 41 3-4 


Georgia, 


11076 68 


6532 12 1-4 


11931 


1093 17 




2145 76 


South-Caro. 


32215 67 


15024 72 


20343 


923 52 




10810 16 


Ohio, 


84708 59 


456 24 


15200 






3246 87 1-2 


Kentucky, 


56082 19 


2634 69 1-2 


13684 


160 08 1-2 




4185 38 


Tennessee, 


46855 97 


661 11 


7612 






946 05 


Louisiana, 


5485 Oci 


840 81 


7079 


1878 30 


26 25 


7119 86 


Illinois Ter. 


490 44 


62 


835 






5 60 


Michigan „ 




54 


1135 


28 93 




21 24 


Indiana „ 


1263 73 


4 


1396 








Missouri „ 


2027 38 


75 


1340 






45 45 


Missisippi „ 


1562 07 


303 


3305 


91 82 


652 76 


Dis. of ColuDi. 




2044 91 


9595 


154 32 


10159 .■)6 




1062758 99 


214639 73 12 


Ii63887 


53695 38:^4 146 34 


217364 28 1-2 



GROSS TOTAL — ^2,212,491 73 3-4. 



30 



SCHEDULE (H.) 

This, shews the great increase of the commerce of the United States, 
under federal administrations when it Avas free. Also its great diminu- 
tion under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The comparative ex- 
ports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of exports, 
as articles domestick or foreign, as productions of the forest, of agricul- 
ture, of the sea, &c. 

1. The exports of the United States every tifth year, to wit- 



1791 
1796 
1801 
1806 
1811 



$17,571,551 45 

67,064,097 00 

93,020,513 00 

103,787,000 00 

61,317,833 00 



Exports of the United States four 
years next preceding the long 
embargo, viz. 

1804 $77,701,597 

1805 95,566,021 
1806, as above, 103,787,000 
1807 108,343,558 



iV^off....Thus the exports, when 
commerce was free, increased near- 
ly 6 fold in 15 years, and under 
restrictions diminished about one 
half as stated below. 

Exports of the United States four 
years under restrictions, and 
one year in war, viz. 

1808 Domestick Arts $8,417,000 
Foreign do. 12,997,414 

1809 Domestick do. 28,841,000 
Foreign do. 20,797,531 

1810 Domes. & For. 67,895,597 
,1811 do. do. 61,317,833 
I .1813 Domestick Arts 25,008,152 

Foreign do. 2,847,845 



2. The comparative exports of each State, from time to time, viz. 





year 1791 


year 1799 


year 1806 




year 1813 


New-Hampshire, 


$ 142,858 


$ 360,039 


$ 795,260 Dom. Arts. 


$ 29,996 


Massachusetts, 


2,445,975 


11,421,591 


21,199,243 


do. 


1,807,923 


Vermont, 




20,480 


193,775 


do. 




Rliode-Island, 


470,131 


1,055,273 


2,091,835 


do. 


23^:102 


Connecticut, 


710,340 


1,143,818 


1,715,858 


do. 


974,303 


New- York, 


2,516,197 


18,719,527 


21,762,845 


do. 


8,185,494 


New-Jersey, 


27,957 


9,722 


33.867 


do. 


10.260 


Pennsylvania, 


2,931,fi24 


12,431,967 


17,574,502 


do. 


3,577,117 


Deb.ware, 


119,840 


297,0P5 


500,106 


do. 


133,432 


Maryland, 


2,193,355 


16,299,609 


14,5:;0,P05 


do. 


3,787,865 


Virginia, 


3,131227 


6,292,986 


5,055,396 


do. 


1,819.722 


North Carolina, 


524,548 


485.921 


789,605 


do. 


797,318 


South-Carolina, 


1,886,021 


8.729,015 


9,743,782 


do. 


2,9f,8,484 


fieorgia, 


491,472 


1,396,768 


no return. 


do. 


1,004,595 




Ohio, 




62,318 


do. 






Territories of the U. 


S. 4,100,583 


do. 






Georgetown, 


254,353^ 


do. 


1,387,493 




Alexandria, 


991,793^ 






Michig 


an. 


221,260 


do. 






New-Orleans, 


3,887,323 


do. 


1,945,153 



'^7^: 



// 



31 



3. The kind of exports from the United States, as articles do- 
mestick or foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of tiie sea, &c. 



Prod, of the forest, 
of (he sea, 
of agriculture, 
of manufacl. 

Miscellaneous, 



Foreign articles, 



Year 180-1 
4,t)00,000 
3,-120,000 

30,8<)0,000 
2,100,000 

i;3o.ooo 



Year 1805 
3,2(31,000 
2,884,000 

31,552,000 

2,525,000 

155,000 



Year 1800 
4,861,000 
3,116,000 

32.375,000 

2,707,000 

445,000 



Year 1807 
5,476,000 
2,804,009 

37,832,000 

2,120,000 

468,000 



41,440,000 
36,231,507 



42,387,000 
53,170,021 



43.504,000 
60,283,000 



48,700,000 
50,643,578 



77,671,507 I 95,566,021 I 103,787,0001 108,343,578 



This statement shews, that about three fourthsof the domesfick exports 
of the United States are the produce of agriculture, and for four years 
prior to the enil)argo, exceeded on an average 33 millions a year. It 
will readily be seen what great losses there must have been in regard 
to tliese articles, when the regular exportation of them has been capri- 
ciously interrupted for 7 j^ears past, l»y embargoes, restrictions and 
war, the same as to the |)roduce of the forest, and, that of the sea; the 
latter amounting, on an average, for four years next before the em- 
bargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year, has been by restrictions 
and war, wholly destroyed — And the ship|)ing employed formerly, in 
acquiring these productions of Ihe sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, 
and the seamen engaged in this branch of business, very important, in 
a publick view, are scattered and sone. 

The domestick articles in the four years next before the restrictive 
system, were 50 millions more than the same articles exported in the 
four years under it, and before the war. 



NOTE.— Page 8. 

Extract from Report of the Secretary of the Navy, dated November 

15, 1814. 

There is another branch of the service which appears to me to merit 
the serious deliberation of the legislature, witli regard to the establishment 
of some regular system, by which the voluntary enlistments for the navy 
may derive occasional reinforcement from the services of those seamen, 
Avho, pursuing theirown private ociupatiuus, are exempt, by their itine- 
rant habits, from pul)lick service of any kind. In my view there would 
be nothing incompatible with the free spirit of our iurilitutions, or with 
the rights of individuals, if registers, with a particidar descriufive re- 
cord, were kej)t in the several districts, of all the seamen belonging to 
the United States, and provision made by law for classing and calling 
into the pulilick service, in succession, for rcasonalile stated periods, 
such portious or classes, as the publick service uiiiiht require, ami if any 



32 

individual, so called, should be absent at the time, the next in suc- 
cession should perform the tour of duty of the absentee, who should, 
on his return, be liable to serve his original tour, and his substitute be 
exempt from his succeeding regular tour of duty. 



NOTE. 

It appears from the following extract from a speech of Mr. Madison, 
in the Debates of the Virginia Convention, that he had a prophetick 
view of circumstances which would induce a majority of States to sup- 
port Virginia against the carrying Slates. See also the speeches of 
Mr. Nicholas in that Convention, and the essays in the Federalist^ 
written by Mr. Madison. 

Extract from debates in Virginia Convention, — Richmond Ed. p. 224. 

I will not sit down till I make one more observation on what fell 
from my honourable friend. He says, that the true difference between 
the states lies in this circumstance — that some are carrying states, and 
others productive, and that the operation of the new government will 
be, that there will be a plurality of the former to combine against the 
interest of the latter, and that consequently it will be dangerous to put 
it in their power to do so. I would join with him in sentiment, if 
this were the case. Were this within the bounds of probability, I 
should be equally alarmed, but I think that those States which are 
contradistinguished as carrying states, from the non-importing states, 
will be but few. I suppose the southern states will be considered by 
all, as under the latter description. Some other states have been 
mentioned by an honourable member on the same side, which are not 
considered as carrying states. New-Jersey and Connecticut can by 
no means be enumerated among the carrying states. They receive 
their supplies through New-York. Here then is a plurality of non- 
injporting states. I could add another if necessary. Delaware, though 
situated upon th*^ water, is upon the list of non-carrying states. I 
miglitsay that a great part of New-Hampshire is so. 1 believe a ma- 
jority of the people of that State receive their supplies from Massachu- 
setts, Rhode-Island, and Connecticut. — Might I not add all those states 
which will be admitted hereafter into the union ? These will be non- 
carrying states, and will support Virginia in case the carrying states 
will attempt to combine against the rest. 



t^-n 









Commomvealth of Massachusetts. 



^aaaioiaaaa 



THE Committee of both Houses, to whom were 
referred the Message of his Excellency the Govern- 
or, and the documents therewith transmitted, have 
had the same under consideration, and beg leave to 

KEPORT, IN PART :— 

THAT the expediency of having invited a Conven- 
tion of Delegates from the New-England States, is fully 
proved by the result of their'labors communicated witli 
his Excellency's Message. In times of unprecedent- 
ed embarrassment and distress, there can indeed be 
no better mode of discovering the means of relief, or 
of preparing for inevitable consequences, than to re- 
sort to the deliberate and united counsels of the wisest 
and most faithful men of the community ; — men, who 
have an interest, in common with all their fellow cit- 
izens, in the subjects of their deliberation, and who 
will act with a firm and enlightened regard to the 
good of the whole, and under the highest responsibil- 
ity. However sensibly such men may feel the im- 
portance of timely resisting oppression, and averting 
impending calamities, their counsels will be tempered 
by an accurate understanding of past political trans- 
actions, by a sound perception of the nature of exist- 
ing sources of complaint, and by a careful enquiry as 
tceveutS; which time may unfold. 



The Committee entertaiu a high sense of the wisdom 
and ability^ with which the Convention of Delegates 
Iiave discharged their arduous trust, while they main- 
tain the principle of State Sovereignty, and of thft 
duties which citizens owe to their respective State 
Governments ; they give the most satisfactory proofs 
of attachment to the Constitution of the United States 
and to the national union ; and while, with the un- 
daunted freedom, which they inherit from their an- 
cestors, they express their disapprobation of the meas- 
ures which have produced our public calamities, and 
especially of the unnecessary and ruinous war, in 
which we are involved, they manifest a determination, 
which the people will support, that our country must 
be defended at every hazard, against invasion and con- 
quest. The people will thus lind new reasons for ap 
proving the confidence reposed in their Delegates, in 
discerning through their Report the proper course to 
be pursued, in their relation to the federal Constitu- 
tion, in sustaining their allegiance to tlie State Gov- 
ernments, and in defending themselves against the 
public enemy ; but, above all, in the recognition of 
duties, which they owe to their Creator, to them- 
selves and to posterity, and which are founded in 
higher authority tlian any earthly government can 
claim. 

As the exposition of the views and sentiments of that 
Convention is clear and intelligible, the Committee 
deem it unnecessary to enlarge upon the considerations 
which entitle them to the approbation and support of 
the Legislature; or to repeat the arguments contained 
in the very able llcport of their proceedings, for 
adopting the measures by them recommended. 



-^fr^. 



The Committee therefore respectfully submit the 
following Resolves. 

D. A. WHITE, Per OrfZer. 

Besolved, That the Legislature of Massachusetts 
do liighly approve the proceedings of the Convention 
of Delegates from the States of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island, and the Counties of Che- 
shire and Grafton, in the State of New-Hampshire, 
and the County of Windham, in the State of Vermont, 
convened at Hartford, on the fifteenth day of Decem- 
ber, in the year one thousand eight hundred and four- 
teen ; and that the advice and recommendation therein 
given, are entitled to, and shall receive, the most res- 
pectful consideration of this Legislature. 

Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be, 
and he hereby is autliorised and empowered to appoint 
Commissioners to proceed immediately to the 
Seat of the National Government, and in pursuance 
of such instructions as his Excellency may think pro- 
per to give them, to make an earnest application to 
the Government of the United States, requesting their 
consent to some arrangement, whereby the State of 
Massachusetts, separately, or in concert with neigh- 
boring States, may be enabled to assume the defence 
of their territories against the enemy ; and that to this 
end a reasonable portion of the taxes collected^within 
said States may be paid into the respective Treasu- 
ries thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the 
balance due to the said States, and to the future defence 
of the same : the amount so paid into the said Treasu- 
ries, to be credited, and the disbursemcuts so made as 
aforesaid, to be charged to the United Slates. 



*•? I 



<^ 



o 






i 



